It is a model that is very close to data and practice and lends itself very easily to empirical testing through measures of partisan identification and different measures of socio-demographic factors among others. Furthermore, "social characteristics determine political preferences". This theory is not about the formation of political preferences, they start from the idea that there are voters with certain political preferences and then these voters will look at what the offer is and will choose according to that offer. The political consciousness of individuals is based on social experiences and has little weight outside these experiences. This is the median voter theory. Often, in Anglo-Saxon literature, this model is referred to as the party identification model. Curiously, the intensity directional model that adds an element to the simple directional model chronologically precedes the simple directional model. This jargon comes from this type of explanation. From the perspective of the issue vote, there are four main ways to explain how and why voters are going to vote a certain way and why parties are going to position themselves. The Peoples Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign. It is a moment when social cleavages directly influence the vote in this approach and therefore the sociological model, perhaps, at that moment, better explains the vote. It is multidimensional also in the bipartisan context of the United States because there are cleavages that cut across parties. These are possible answers more to justify and account for this anomaly. This electoral volatility, especially in a period of political misalignment, is becoming more and more important and is increasingly overshadowed by this type of explanation. The extent to which the usefulness of voters' choices varies from candidate to candidate, but also from voter to voter. In other words, they are voters who are not prepared to pay all these costs and therefore want to reduce or improve the cost-benefit ratio which is the basis of this electoral choice by reducing the costs and the benefit will remain unchanged. On the other hand, ideologically extreme voters try to influence party policies through party activism (voice). There is also a literature on whether certain parties have certain issues, which voters believe are the parties that are better able to deal with a certain issue. 43 0 obj
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A symbol is evaluated on the basis of two parameters, namely direction (1), a symbol gives a certain direction in the policy and in addition a certain intensity (2) which is to what extent is one favourable or unfavourable to a certain policy. It is possible to determine direction based on the "neutral point" which is the point in the middle, or it is also possible to determine direction from the "status quo". About a quarter of the electorate votes in this way. The external factors would be the factors that, in the basic theory of the psycho-sociological approach, it would seem that this is what can do but if we have a certain partisan attachment to vote for another party because we are influenced by one or other of these factors but, basically, we keep our partisan attachment and the next time when these factors change, we return to the normal vote corresponding to the partisan attachment. 0000000929 00000 n
If voters, who prefer more extreme options, no longer find these options within the party they voted for, then they will look elsewhere and vote for another party. The initial formulation of the model is based on the Downs theory in An Economic Theory of Democracy publi en 1957. A corollary to this theory is that voters react more to the government than to the opposition because performance is evaluated and a certain state of the economy, for example, can be attributed to the performance of a government. It is a theory that is made in the interaction between supply and demand, that is, between parties offering something and voters asking for something. Webgain. Others have criticized this analogy between the economic market and the political market as being a bit simplistic, saying that, basically, the consequences of buying a consumer product have a certain number of consequences, but they are much more limited compared to what buying a vote can have in terms of choosing a party. Christopher Rice Follow Strategic Foresight Consultant, Facilitator, Public Speaker, Provocateur, Fox in a world of Hedgehogs - Less thunder in the mouth, more lightning in the hand Recommended Voting Behaviour Peped 4.6k views 22 slides Political Parties Chris Thomas 5.8k views 32 slides Introduction to Elections Peped 5.6k views The voters have to make that assessment and then decide which one brings more income and which one we will vote for. 0000001124 00000 n
This is the proximity model. Moreover, retrospective voting can also be seen as a shortcut. For Przeworski and Sprague, there may be another logic that is not one of maximizing the electorate in the short term but one of mobilizing the electorate in the medium and long term. Several studies show that the impact of partisan identification varies greatly from one context to another. Ideology is a means of predicting and inferring political positions during an election campaign. There is a direct link between social position and voting. Directional model with intensity: Rabinowitz, Four possible answers to the question of how voters decide to vote, Unified Voting Model: Merrill and Grofman, Responses to criticisms of the proximity model, Partisan Competition Theory: Przeworski and Sprague, Relationship between voting explanatory models and realignment cycle. This means that we are not necessarily going to listen to all the specific arguments of the different parties. We talk about the electoral market in the media or the electoral supply. The idea of intensity can also be seen as the idea that there are certain issues, that there are certain political positions that put forward symbols and some of these symbols evoke making these two issues more visible to voters but in the sense of making voters say that this particular party is going in that direction and with a high intensity. Voters vote for the candidate or party closest to their own position which is the proximity model. LAZARSFELD, PAUL F., BERNARD BERELSON, and HAZEL GAUDET. This is called retrospective voting, which means that we are not looking at what the parties said in their platforms, but rather at what the parties did before. On the other hand, to explain the electoral choice, we must take into account factors that are very far from the vote theoretically, but we must also take into account the fact that there are factors that are no longer close to the electoral choice during a vote or an election. The ideological space can be defined as a left-right ideological space but can also be defined more precisely in relation to certain issues. The study of voting behavior is a sub-field of Political Science. On this basis, four types of voters can be identified in a simplified manner: It is possible to start from the assumption that the characteristics of these different voters are very different. In other words, this identification is part of the self-image one can have of oneself. 5. Another model is called the funnel model of causality which has been proposed by these authors working on the psycho-sociological model. 135150. A Democrat votes for Democratic candidates for all elected offices, and Republicans do the same. We often talk about economic theory of the vote in the broadest sense in order to designate a rationalist theory based on rational choice theory and spatial theories of the vote. The psycho-sociological model also developed a measure called the partisan identification index, since this model wanted to be an empirical model with behaviourism and the idea of studying individual behaviours empirically with the development of national election studies and survey data to try to measure the partisan identification index. It is the idea of when does one or the other of these different theories provide a better explanation according to periods of political alignment or misalignment. In other words, there is a social type variable, a cultural type variable and a spatial type variable. In this approach, it is possible to say that the voter accepts the arguments of a certain party because he or she feels close to a party and not the opposite which would be what the economic model of the vote postulates, that is to say that we listen to what the party has to say and we will choose that party because we are convinced by what that party says. This is related to its variation in space and time. 65, no. WebThe three widely accepted behavioral models of voter choice are: the sociological model, the social-psychological model, and the rational choice model. The assumption is that mobilizing an electorate is done by taking clear positions and not a centrist position. 0000007835 00000 n
The first question is how to assess the position of the different parties and candidates, since we start from the idea of projecting voters' political preferences and party projections onto a map. Thus, the interpretation of differences in voting behaviour from one group to another is to be sought in the position of the group in society and in the way its relations with parties have developed. There have been several phases of misalignment. McClung Lee, A. This is especially important when applying this type of reasoning empirically. If we take into account Przeworski and Sprague's idea that preferences are exogenous and not endogenous, it is possible to create a typology as Iversen did. emotional ties between voters and parties; a phase of political misalignment (2), which may be the one we are currently in in Europe since the economic crisis, which is a weakening of partisan loyalties resulting in increased electoral volatility, i.e. This is the idea of collective action, since our own contribution to an election or vote changes with the number of other citizens who vote. It is also possible to add that the weight of partisan identification varies from one voter to another. The political position of each candidate is represented in the same space, it is the interaction between supply and demand and the voter will choose the party or candidate that is closest to the voter. Grofman's idea is to say that the voter discounts what the candidates say (discounting) based on the difference between current policy and what the party says it will do or promise. As far as the psycho-sociological model is concerned, it has the merit of challenging the classical theory of democracy which puts the role on the rational actor. We must assess the costs of going to the polls, of gathering the information needed to make a decision, but also the value of one's own participation, since the model is also supposed to explain voter turnout. The term "group" can mean different things, which can be an ethnic group or a social class. The importance of symbols lies in what arouses emotions. The importance of symbolic politics is especially capitalized on by the intensity directional models. The idea is that it is in circles of interpersonal relations even if more modern theories of opinion leaders look at actors outside the personal circle. Proximity can be calculated on the basis of the programmes and actual positions declared by the parties or on the basis of a discount factor, a perception factor or a difference factor according to the discount model. Simply, the voter is going to evaluate his own interest, his utility income from the different parties and will vote for the party that is closest to his interests. There are several reasons that the authors of these directional models cite to explain this choice of direction with intensity rather than a choice of proximity as proposed by Downs. This approach emphasizes a central variable which is that of partisan identification, which is a particular political attitude towards a party. Psychological theories are based on a type of explanation that does not focus on the issues discussed during a political campaign, for example. Webthe earlier Columbia studies, the Michigan election studies were based upon national survey samples. According to Downs, based on the prospective assessment that voters make of the position that voters have and their position on various issues, voters arrive at and operate this shortcut by situating and bringing parties back to an ideological dimension that may be a left-right dimension but may also be another one. This model relies heavily on the ability of voters to assess and calculate their own interests and all the costs associated with the action of going to the polls. How was that measured? There are a whole bunch of individual characteristics related to the fact that one is more of a systematic voter of something else. WebThe central concept of this model of voting behavior is partisanship, which is designed as a psychological affinity, stable and lasting relationship with a political party that does not Voting for a party and continuing to vote for such a party repeatedly makes it possible to develop an identification with that party which, in a way, then reinforces the electoral choice. Pp. These three models diverge in methodology and application of research, but each has provided important data regarding the factors that influence voter choice. It is interesting to know that Lazarsfeld, when he began his studies with survey data, especially in an electoral district in New York State, was looking for something other than the role of social factors. Some people talk about membership voting for the first two theories and cognitive voting for the economic model of voting. This model explains for Downs why we abstain. Using real data, the model has a predictive accuracy of 94.6% and an ROC AUC score of 96%. The economic model of the vote puts the notion of electoral choice back at the centre. Voters will vote for a party but that party is not necessarily the one with which they identify. Proximity means the closeness of the voter's interests to the political proposals that are made with the parties. The publication of The American Voter in 1960 revolutionized the study of American voting behavior. The psychological and socio-economic model are strongly opposed, offering two explanations that are difficult to reconcile, even though there have been efforts to try to combine them. It is a paradigm that does not only explain from the macro-political point of view an electoral choice, but there is the other side of the coin which is to explain the choice that the parties make. In the Downs-Hirschman model, the vote is spatial in the sense of proximity and preferences are exogenous; on the other hand, in the directional theories of Rabinovirz and Macdonal in particular, we remain in the idea of the exogeneity of preferences but the vote is not spatial in the sense of proximity. 2, 1957, pp. We want to know how and why a voter will vote for a certain party. Then a second question was supposed to measure the strength of that identification with the question "do you consider yourself a Republican, strong, weak or leaning towards the Democratic Party? The basic idea is the representation of a point that is an ideal point for each voter in a hypothetical space. Prospective voting is based on election promises and retrospective voting is based on past performance. This approach has often been criticized as a static approach since socio-economic or even socio-demographic characteristics do not change in the short term and yet the vote increasingly changes in the short term, what is called in electoral volatility, i.e. Today, this may be less true, but until a certain point, there were relatively few empirical analyses based on the economic model of the vote. The initial formation of this model was very deterministic in wanting to focus on the role of social inclusion while neglecting other aspects, even though today there is increasingly a kind of ecumenical attempt to have an explanation that takes into account different aspects. What determines direction? There has been a lot of criticism that has allowed the idea of issue voting to develop in a rationalist context and models. WebIn voting behavior models, these cross-pressures are manifest as (often high-order) interaction terms that are difficult to detect using standard regression-based approaches. Prospective voting is the one that has been postulated by Downs and by all other researchers who work in proximity models but also in two-way models. Yes, voted; no. Is partisan identification one-dimensional? Thus, they were well suited not only to develop and test theories of voting The Michigan model was based on the idea of socialization and partisan identification as a long-term attachment to a party that is the result of primary socialization in particular, and therefore as insertion into a given social context. Prospective voting says that voters will listen to what candidates and parties have to say. Expectedly, in their function Moreover, there are analogies that are made even explicitly with the idea of the market. The same can be said of the directional model with intensity. The idea is that each voter can be represented by a point in a hypothetical space and this space can be a space with N dimensions and each dimension represents an election campaign issue, so that this point reflects his or her ideal set of policies, i.e. La dernire modification de cette page a t faite le 11 novembre 2020 01:26. Mitt Romney's gonna lower their taxes, so they're gonna vote for them, and to be clear, it's not that everyone's behavior The directional model also provides some answers to this criticism. This is something that remains difficult in theory, we don't know how much the voter will discount. The law of curvilinear disparity takes up this distinction. One must take into account the heterogeneity of the electorate and how different voters may have different motivations for choosing which party or candidate to vote for. The anomaly is that there is a majority of the electorate around the centre, but there are parties at the extremes that can even capture a large part of the preferences of the electorate. There are different types of costs that this model considers and that need to be taken into account and in particular two types of costs which are the costs of going to vote (1) but above all, there are the costs of information (2) which are the costs of obtaining this information since in this model which postulates to choose a party on the basis of an evaluation of the different propositions of information which is available, given these basic postulates, the transparency of information and therefore the costs of information are crucial. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. WebThe Columbia Studies The modern history of academic voting research began in 1940 at Columbia University, where a team of social scientists assembled by Paul Lazarsfeld In this way, parties can offer relatively extreme political platforms that are not optimal in the short term, but that generate higher levels of support in the medium and long term. The theory of the economic model of the vote is also a model that allows predictions to be made about party behaviour. A first criticism that has been made is that the simple proximity model gives us a misrepresentation of the psychology of voting. The aspect is based on the idea that there is an information problem that represents a difficulty and costs that voters must pay to gather information and to become informed about an election. What voters perceive are directional signals, that is, voters perceive that some parties are going in one direction and other parties are going in another direction on certain issues. 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